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Don't Write Labor's Epitaph Yet
By Msgr. George Higgins
June 29, 1998
This column concludes a series I've written about the
neo-conservative movement in the United States. The first column said that,
by and large, neo-conservative silence on labor issues has been deafening
-- a silence broken only by an aggressively anti-union book published by
the American Enterprise Institute, the flagship neo-conservative think
tank.
The book's title is ``Epitaph for American Labor:
How Union Leaders Lost Touch With America.'' The author, Max Green, began
adult life as a democratic socialist and a firm AFL-CIO supporter. He spent
10 years working for the teachers' union in New York. Later, like many
of his neo-conservative elders, he found himself moving to the right, and
the rest, as they say, is history.
A recent profile in the New Yorker of three prominent
neo-conservatives says neo-conservatism is ``perhaps the only political
movement in which you qualify for membership by declaring yourself to have
been totally wrong.''
There's nothing wrong, of course, about changing
one's mind or political philosophy. But Green in my view goes overboard.
His book argues that the American labor movement as currently constituted
no longer serves the public or national interest. The word ``epitaph''
in his book's title is meant literally. The dictionary defines ``epitaph''
as ``a funeral oration'' or ``inscription on a tomb in memory of the one
buried there.''
Green has come not to reform the labor movement
but to bury it. He makes clear his view that the movement will not and
should not be revived.
Green's purpose is to prove, if only to his satisfaction,
that unions no longer are needed, thanks to the free market's beneficent
workings, and that the unions' demise is a blessing to the nation and its
workers.
In my 50-odd years of reading voraciously in the
field of labor, I never have seen this thesis stated as bluntly as Green
frames it on his book's last page:
``America today is more than ever an equal opportunity
society where individuals can rise on their merits, a condition that makes
unions irrelevant.''
In light of that statement, I admit to being somewhat
confused by Michael Novak's carefully worded blurb for the book. He says
Green's ``point is to launch a revivifying argument.'' Not so. Green has
come not to revivify the movement but to bury it.
Novak's AEI colleague, Irving Kristol, often called
the neo-conservative movement's godfather, has written a blurb extravagantly
praising Green's book. Kristol says the book is ``the best history of American
trade unionism yet written.''
Now, book blurbs tend to exaggerate the merits of
the book -- especially one written by a friend, or, in this case,
an ideological soul mate.
Be that as it may, I find Kristol's exaggerated
praise of the book disturbing. It serves to confirm my long-standing suspicion
that too many neo-conservatives are anti-union -- not critical of existing
unions (nothing wrong with that), but opposed to unions on principle, asGreen
is on grounds that, given democratic capitalism's success, unions
have outlived their usefulness.
In my opinion that's dangerous wishful thinking
and flatly contradicts their customary emphasis on the crucial importance
of mediating structures or institutions in a democratic society.
If they truly believe that unions are not among
these mediating structures or institutions, it may not be too long before
someone writes a book titled ``Epitaph for the Neo-Conservative Movement:
How the Neo-Conservatives Lost Touch With America.''
Neo-conservatives have an important role to play
in the intellectual dialogue in the United States. But they cannot afford
to squander credibility by overpraising a book that systematically argues
that unions have no role in American society.
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