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Reflections
After Labor Day
By Msgr. George G. Higgins
September 4, 1998
Free societies and free trade unions go together,
as history has demonstrated during the violent century now coming to a
close -- one which has shown that dictatorships on both the left and the
right undermined freedom and democracy by first destroying independent
and freely elected unions.
I want to reflect in this column on the origins
of the American Labor Day, which we've just observed, and its meaning at
the end of the 20th century.
It is difficult to determine from the printed historical
record precisely why Peter J. McGuire, founder of the Carpenters' Union
and originator of the American Labor Day in 1882, selected the first Monday
of September instead of the first of May for its observance. There is reason
to believe, however, that he and his colleagues wanted to disassociate
the American labor movement from the negative connotations of the traditional
European Labor Day, which was then the Marxists' property and pride.
McGuire himself was a socialist of sorts, at least
during his trade union career's early stages. He was not, however, a Marxist
revolutionary, nor was he anti-religious, despite his unfortunate break
as a young man with the Catholic Church in which he was baptized as an
infant.
McGuire and his associates conceived of Labor Day
in the United States largely in idealistic or spiritual terms. They intended
it to symbolize and promote the dignity of human labor and the brotherhood
of man.
In 1897, on the holiday's 15th anniversary, McGuire
wrote that it is "dedicated to peace, civilization and the triumphs of
industry. It is a demonstration of fraternity and a harbinger of a better
age -- a more chivalrous time when labor shall be honored and rewarded."
A year later Samuel Gompers, an intimate friend
and associate of McGuire's and the first president of the American Federation
of Labor, developed the same theme. Labor Day in the United States marks
a new epoch in the annals of human history; it is founded upon the highest
principles of humanity and is as broad in its scope as the universe, he
said.
It is clear, then, that while McGuire, Gompers and
their colleagues in the American labor movement at the turn of the century
were dedicated to a defense of labor's dignity and rights, they were not
unmindful of the rights of other groups in society, nor were they opposed
to the nation's form of government. It was, of course, their earnest hope
and confident expectation that Labor Day would dramatize the importance
and necessity of strong, effective labor organizations.
A generation ago there was reason to share their
optimism, but unfortunately the labor movement since then has been on the
decline, at least in terms of numbers. Many labor-management experts believe
that the movement is in a state of serious crisis. A few of these experts
even have suggested that the crisis may be terminal.In my opinion, they
are dead wrong about that.
The labor movement is on the move again. It faces
many obstacles, but the leadership is moving at a fast pace to overcome
them.
A former U.S. secretary of labor wrote some years
ago that we should be concerned about the weakening of our labor organizations
because we are not likely to have a free and democratic society without
a free and democratic labor movement.
Trying to have economic democracy without unions,
he said, is like trying to have political democracy without political parties.
Unions, of course, have their faults and imperfections. So do political
parties. But both are essential to a free democratic society.
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