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The Ongoing Debate About Labor's Decline

Msgr. George G. Higgins

June 7, 1999

 It is no secret that the American labor movement has been in sharp decline since the 1960s. Although it is beginning to show signs of a comeback, it is still in a state of serious crisis.
 I have complained more than once in this column that the silence of the conservative and neoconservative communities about this crisis has been thunderous. Many of my conservative and neoconservative interlocutors politely -- sometimes condescendingly -- have told me, in effect, that this is much ado about nothing.
 Be that as it may, when they do address the issue seriously, they tend to argue, sometimes in so many words, that while unions may have been a constructive force in earlier generations, they have outlived their usefulness and that, in any event, their current decline is largely of their own making.
 In recent years scores of scholarly books and monographs have tried to explain the decline of the labor movement. While they differ in their diagnoses and prescriptions, they almost unanimously agree on one thing, namely, that employer opposition is a major cause of labor's decline since the '60s.
 Catholic social teaching is decidedly countercultural in this respect. It holds that unions are not only legitimate but indispensable, especially in modern industrial societies. In developing this point, the pastoral letter of the U.S. bishops on Catholic social teaching and the U.S. economy noted that "the church fully supports the right of workers to form unions or other associations to secure their rights to fair wages and working conditions. This is a specific application of the more general right to associate.... Therefore we firmly oppose organized efforts, such as those regrettably now seen in (the United States), to break existing unions and prevent workers from organizing.''
 The logic behind this position is that in modern life, the structure of society is such that the individual must ordinarily act through organized groups to secure his or her rights. So great is the power of the civil state and the size of industry that the unorganized worker is left without an effective voice in matters of vital concern.
 Only through the existence of organized buffer groups close enough to the individual to be held responsible to him, but powerful enough to be recognized by government and industry, can we hope to safeguard the ordinary worker from the excesses of entrenched power. He cannot normally achieve his rights acting merely as an individual.
 There is nothing new about this argument. It is a standard part of traditional Catholic social teaching. But, unless I am badly mistaken, it goes against the grain of conservative and neoconservative thinking in the United States. 
 
 



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