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Some Catholic and Labor Links | How the ILO Fares TodayBy Msgr. George G. HigginsThe Yardstick
February 12, 2001
In preparing to take part in a forthcoming seminar on
“Labor and Globalization” sponsored by the local Maryknoll House in Washington,
I had occasion to review some of the major documents on this subject by the
Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace.
One document, dated Nov. 18, 1999, was drafted by the
secretary of the council, Bishop Diarmuid Martin, who just a few weeks ago
was named an archbishop and promoted to head up the Vatican office dealing
with the many U.N.-related agencies located in Geneva, Switzerland.
Archbishop Martin's paper, “Trade, Development and the
Fight Against Poverty,” said that “it is essential that respect for the dignity
of the human being be shared by all countries, both developed and developing
ones. To this end, the Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace strongly
supports the work of the International Labor Organization, the competent
international organization in this field.”
Established in 1919 as an integral part of the League
of Nations, the ILO is the oldest specialized agency of the United Nations
and the only one with a tripartite structure. Each national delegation is
made up of government, labor and management representatives. The ILO seeks
to guarantee human rights in general and the basic rights of workers in particular.
It has been trying to do this by supervising the application of the international
standards adopted during its 82-year history.
The central problem, however, is implementation. If a
sovereign state accepts but then ignores an international convention or treaty,
what can be done?
When a treaty between nations is broken, enforcement can
be obtained or at least attempted by various sanctions. If the treaty is
not honored, the confrontation is between nations.
But human rights conventions generally regulate the relations of individuals
within their own community, behind the wall of independent nationhood. If
broken, the confrontation is between individual men and women and the modern
state's fearsome authority.
This kind of treaty was scarcely known before 1906 when
the Bern Conventions secured the agreement of 13 nations to restrict night
work for women and prohibit the use of certain poisonous substances in manufacturing.
The problem of enforcing the Bern Conventions, however, had not been worked
out when World War I began.
However revolutionary they were in principle, those conventions
still did not plunge into the deep waters of basic human rights. Not until
the founding of the ILO was there a concerted effort to guarantee the individual's
basic rights by international agreement.
The ILO has worked out procedures for monitoring international
conventions. Many cover such matters as working hours, safety regulations,
fair wages. Others lay down fundamental human rights within the ILO's province:
freedom of worker and employer association, freedom from forced labor and
freedom from discrimination in employment. But despite great progress, nobody
would claim that the problem of implementation has been solved. The ILO's
effectiveness still depends on the cooperation of member governments and
the militancy, vigilance, ability and dedication of workers and employers
as they participate in partnership with their governments in ILO affairs.
The ILO always has enjoyed strong support from the Vatican
and always has had a qualified priest on its Geneva staff, serving as a liaison
with Catholic social action movements throughout the world.
Because of the growing interest in the subject of international trade, the
ILO is now receiving more media coverage than ever on the debate over labor
standards in trade relations. I hope this gives the organization new life
and encourages member nations to redouble efforts on behalf of basic human
rights.
This goes especially for the United States, which unfortunately
has yet to ratify some of the ILO's most important conventions and treaties.
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