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Some Catholic and Labor Links | Right-to-Work Legislation Back in the NewsBy Msgr. George G. HigginsThe Yardstick
July 30, 2001
So-called right-to-work legislation that went down to
defeat the last time around in Missouri in 1978 is back in the news, this
time in Oklahoma where a referendum is being hotly debated.
The 1978 measure in Missouri was strongly opposed by the
Missouri Catholic Conference. It came out against a proposed state constitutional
amendment to make the union shop illegal. The Missouri conference cut through
the thicket of anti-union propaganda by proponents of the amendment and went
to the heart of the matter. The conference said the amendment would so impede
the effectiveness of collective bargaining that the right itself would be
seriously imperiled -- a right long and vigorously supported by the church.
The conference's position was the same as that the U.S.
bishops took in 1965 testimony before Congress on right-to-work legislation.
In view of the current Oklahoma controversy, that testimony is still timely.
A right-to-work law forbids an employer to require an
employee to be a union member as a condition for obtaining or retaining employment.
The history of such legislation is pertinent to the current Oklahoma controversy.
Prior to 1935, employers often denied U.S. workers the right to organize
into unions of their choice. The National Labor Relations Act, passed in
1935 and declared constitutional in 1937, was the first effective legal guarantee
of this natural right. Under this act, the federal government protected workers
who wished to join unions, provided they were employed in industries subject
to federal jurisdiction.
Under the U.S. Constitution, the federal act superseded
all state laws where interstate commerce was affected. However, when the
act was replaced in 1947 by the Taft-Hartley Act, Congress gave the states
concurrent jurisdiction, provided only that state laws were more restrictive
than the federal law. Under this provision's impetus, some 15 or 20 states
have enacted right-to-work laws.
The general effect of such laws is to prohibit all types
of compulsory union membership. The closed shop already had been outlawed
by the 1947 federal act. But state right-to-work laws go further and forbid
the union shop, maintenance of membership and other forms of modified union
security. To evaluate these laws fairly, it is necessary to present and weight
the major arguments in debates on the question.
First, the common title of these laws is itself a matter
of debate. Opponents of the measures claim that the title is a play on words,
cloaking the laws' real purpose, which is to enforce further restrictions
on union activity. Such laws do not provide jobs for workers; they merely
prevent workers from building strong, stable unions.
The pressure for the legislation does not arise from workers
seeking their “rights.” Proponents are uniformly employers' organizations
and related groups. Often such laws are part of a program by underdeveloped
states seeking to attract industry by the lure of a docile, low-paid labor
force.
Second, it is alleged that states should have the right
to regulate labor problems according to their own desires and that federal
standards should not be imposed upon them. But this argument is not convincing.
Under present conditions, the right to regulate labor problems has not been
returned to the states. What is conceded is the limited power to enact union-security
regulations more stringent than those in the federal law; a state may not
enact regulations more favorable to the union movement.
There are other strong reasons why states should not regulate
labor matters where interstate commerce is involved. Under the U.S. Constitution,
matters that affect interstate commerce are reserved exclusively to the federal
government. Any trend in the contrary direction must be scrutinized with
great care.
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