No Partisan Endorsements

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Catholic Churches Do Not Endorse Candidates by Bill Droel

Catholic churches will not take advantage of a new provision in the U.S. tax code.
Since 1894 all charitable groups that obtained a 501 (c) 3 tax letter have been excused from paying federal taxes, and usually local taxes. In 1954 there was an addition to that IRS policy. Named the Johnson Amendment after its sponsor, Senator Lyndon Johnson (1908-1973), the change specified that tax-exempt groups could not endorse partisan candidates. Critics in recent years, including President Donald Trump, have called for the elimination of the Johnson Amendment. Early this July the IRS said that churches (though not other non-profit groups) can indeed endorse candidates.
     The new provision is symbolic. Reading between the lines, it is meant to make legal what evangelicals do anyway. Evangelical pastors and congregational leaders routinely give pulpit time to candidates during local and national campaigns. Many evangelical media outlets comment on the desirability of candidates and elected officials.
Catholic churches will continue to adhere to the Johnson Amendment for reasons practical, pastoral, and theological.
     The practice of Catholic churches staying out of elections is not because “politics has no place in church.” Just the opposite. Can you think of anything more political than the ancient Roman administration executing the Creator and Redeemer of the entire universe?
     Catholic churches, newspapers, and internet media, guided by the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, enter politics without favoring particular candidates. Catholicism and the Constitution agree: a separation of religious institutions and government institutions is beneficial to both. The engagement between Catholicism and politics in our country occurs in the voluntary give-and-take between Catholic groups and society, and more significantly between individual Catholic citizens and our democratic processes. In practice this means that Catholic churches and Catholic officials teach morality as it pertains to issues like the environment, the sanctity of each life, or the tragedy of war. They must do so. They are not, however, by their ecclesial standing competent to instruct the laity on candidate preferences or on the intricacies of specific pieces of legislation. When priests, bishops, deacons and religious—in their official roles—wade too deeply into partisan politics, they violate Catholic ecclesiology.
     Bishops and most Catholic priests in our country are U.S. citizens. They lose no rights or duties or privileges of citizenship because of their job. For example, a priest at the ballpark among his friends can grouse all he wants about any politician, or he can praise a specific bill in the legislature. Clergy and religious should freely vote in elections. The mistake occurs when, in the church or at a parish function, a priest asserts his partisan opinion as if it were the Catholic teaching.
     When priests, bishops, deacons and religious—in their official roles—wade too deeply into partisan politics, they upend the order of Catholic sacraments. The sacrament of baptism gives a person the responsibility to practice the beatitudes, to exercise the works of mercy and to live a vocation as homemaker, neighbor, spouse, citizen or worker. A baptized person needs no further permission from the rectory or chancery to improve society. Just as the sacrament of ordination adds nothing to a person’s competency to teach mathematics, so too a priest or religious can lobby a legislator based on his or her own citizenship. One’s education and experience might yield competency in worldly affairs, but ordination in itself does not.
     When priests, bishops, deacons and religious—in their official roles—wade too deeply into partisan politics, they squander their moral standing. Yes, Catholicism has absolutes. At the same time, the wise Catholic—both Church officials and laity—knows that no one appreciates righteousness. Principled, yes. Arrogant, never.
     The spirit of the Johnson Amendment well suits Catholicism. Our democratic process, though strained nowadays, still contains avenues for influencing the common good. There is no need for clergy to take shortcuts that likely do more harm than good.

Droel is with the National Center for the Laity (PO Box 291102, Chicago, IL 60629).

Papal Labor Controversy

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Pope Leo XIII and Controversy in the United States  by Bill Droel

Our new Pope Leo XIV chose his papal name to pair his interest in our high-tech economy with Pope Leo XIII’s (1810-1903) interest in the industrial revolution. Today’s social questions, particularly “developments in the field of artificial intelligence pose new challenges for the defense of human dignity, justice and labor,” says Chicago-born Leo XIV.

In his 1891 encyclical, On the Condition of Labor, Leo XIII famously endorsed labor unions as one bulwark against the harshness of industrial capitalism. To do so, however, Leo XIII had to clarify his thinking and put aside an opinion about the Noble Order of the Knights of Labor.

Founded in 1869, the Knights of Labor was a large movement in the U.S. It was quite decentralized, with many chapters throughout the country. It also counted a few chapters in Canada and Great Britian. The Knights of Labor rarely achieved labor relations contracts. More often its job actions resulted in an isolated pay raise or a safety improvement. It was better known for campaigns, including support for an eight-hour workday and prohibitions on child labor. The Knights of Labor attracted Catholics, probably most of its members. Its longtime president, Terence Powderly (1849-1924), was Catholic.

The Vatican was long suspicious of secret societies. The fear was over plots of violence, of anti-Catholic indoctrination and of dark rituals. Catholic leaders in Europe favored fraternal groups and guilds over which there was a level of Catholic influence. In 1734 Catholicism formally prohibited membership in the Masons. In subsequent years, bishops penalized Catholics known to be Masons or members in other secret societies. For a time, the Knights of Labor used secrecy to help prevent employers from firing its members. Thus, Cardinal Eleazar Taschereau (1820-1898) of Quebec explicitly condemned the Knights of Labor in 1884. Five U.S. bishops were prepared to ban the movement in this country. Leo XIII considered joining them.

Cardinal James Gibbons (1834-1921), a bishop since age 34, knew the situation of working families. “The Savior…never conferred a greater temporal boon on [people] than by ennobling and sanctifying manual labor, and by rescuing it from the stigma of degradation which had been branded upon it,” Gibbons said. Christ “is the reputed son of an artisan, and his early manhood is spent in a mechanic’s shop… Every honest labor is laudable, thanks to the example and teaching of Christ.” Gibbons was not about to allow a condemnation of the Knights of Labor to stand. He met with Powderly and negotiated changes to the Knights of Labor, including dropping The Noble Order from its name. He then fashioned an argument in favor of the union, saying “It is the right of laboring classes to protect themselves, and the duty of the whole people to find a remedy against avarice, oppression, and corruption.”

In early 1887 Gibbons went to Rome and impressed upon Leo XIII the danger of losing working families to the faith if the pope were to condemn labor unions. Gibbons was persuasive. The pope blessed labor unions. Leo XIII said that unions and government intervention can be countervailing forces against the “misery and wretchedness” that industrial capitalism tends to press “unjustly on the majority of the working class.”

Gibbons’ effort on behalf of the Knights of Labor is considered the great achievement of his leadership in the U.S. To be continued…

Droel is editor at National Center for the Laity (PO Box 291102, Chicago, IL 60629), which distributes a new edition of Leo XIII’s On the Condition of Labor; $7.

The Other Pope Leo

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The Other Pope Leo by Bill Droel

Pope Leo XIV, originally of Chicago, chose his papal name to recall Pope Leo XIII (1810-1903), particularly his critique of the industrial revolution, titled On the Condition of Labor. The current Pope Leo is likewise interested in today’s social questions, including the looming effects of AI. “In our own day,” says Leo XIV, “the church offers to everyone the treasury of her social teaching in response to another industrial revolution and to developments in the field of artificial intelligence that pose new challenges for the defense of human dignity, justice and labor.”

The downside of the industrial revolution was increasingly evident during the 19th century. For example, there was in the early 1800s a movement among textile workers in Great Britian, called Luddites, who rebelled against specific machines that threatened their wages and the quality of their craft. Their protest sometimes included destruction of machines. Soon enough, however, factory owners and law enforcement put an end to the movement.

Social critics Karl Mark (1818-1883) and Friedrich Engels (1820-1895) advocated for a different economic system, famously in their 1848 Communist Manifesto.  Meanwhile, Charles Dickens (1812-1870) portrayed the terrible negatives of the industrial revolution in his popular novels. Pope Leo XIII added Catholicism’s voice in his May 1891 encyclical, On the Condition of Labor.

Although Leo XIII is credited as the pioneer of modern Catholic social thought, he was not the first. For example, Bishop Wilhelm Emmanuel von Ketteler (1811-1877) of Mainz was an outstanding social, political and spiritual leader of the 19th century. In highlighting concepts like the common good, like employees as stakeholders and like solidarity, he laid the groundwork for a mature Catholic reflection on modernity.

The same year as the Communist Manifesto (1848) von Ketteler gave his analysis in six Advent sermons on poverty and inequality. These were refined in an 1864 book, The Laborer Question and Christianity.

Von Ketteler, member of an aristocratic family, opposed materialistic communism but was deeply troubled by the harsh effects of industrial capitalism. Von Ketteler thought some state regulation plus action by labor and charitable groups could temper extreme capitalism. Thus, von Ketteler advocated for the end of child labor, for limiting hours in a factory, for Sunday as a true day of rest, for disability insurance and temporary unemployment insurance, for state health and safety inspectors and for more cooperative enterprises. The key to a better capitalism was to break the belief that an individual is “the absolute master of things that he [or she] owns,” he preached.

Catholicism says private property is a right. But drawing upon St. Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274), von Ketteler explained that only God has “full and genuine property rights… When making use of his [or her] property a person has the duty to bow to the God-given order of things.” It “is a perpetual sin against nature [to hold] the false doctrine that property confers strict rights.” Catholicism “protects property,” von Ketteler said, “but wealth must be distributed…for the sake of the general welfare.”

Cardinal Henry Edward Manning (1808-1892), the second Catholic archbishop of Westminster, was long interested in family life, education, church-state relations, the working class and more. He was ordained as an Anglican in 1833 and later that year married Caroline Sargent (1812-1837). He was only 27-years old when she died. Manning became disillusioned with the Anglican Church in part because it was oblivious to the working poor. In 1850 Manning was received as a Roman Catholic.

Marx and Engels published their Manifesto in 1848. Von Kettler gave his Advent sermons in 1848. And in 1848 Manning added his objections to the industrial economy. He said that Christians need to be with the “poor of Christ, the multitude which have been this long time with us and now faint by the way…in mines and factories.” Manning, like von Ketteler, anticipated Leo XIII.

Manning was sympathetic to the situation among dockworkers. He mediated during the famous 1889 strike at the Port of London, stating that the employers’ refusal to negotiate was not a private matter but a “public evil.” Union members considered the outcome of their job action a grand victory, which in turn gave momentum to the British labor movement and particularly to organizing lower-wage workers. Manning’s impact on the Catholic social conscience was not limited to the union members. Many Catholics in the middle-class and upper-class of that time became attentive to urban/industrial poverty because of Manning.

Von Ketteler and Manning were spiritual ghostwriters for Leo XIII’s On the Condition of Labor. They and others may provide the same service to Leo XIV when, I predict, he soon issues a major document about the condition of post-industrial workers.

Droel is editor at National Center for the Laity (PO Box 291102, Chicago, IL 60629). It distributes a new edition of On the Condition of Labor by Pope Leo XIII; $8 includes postage.

Church, Labor and Immigration

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The Catholic Labor Network, as an association of the faithful dedicated to promoting Catholic Social Teaching on labor and work, has seldom ventured to speak about other policy domains. Immigration has been a partial exception, mainly because the Church and the American labor movement – for different but related reasons – have often partnered to promote an immigration reform providing a path to citizenship for America’s undocumented workers. Since immigration has once again become a central public policy issue, our readers may be interested in reviewing this history and learning how Church and labor are addressing the current moment.

The Universal Church has always upheld the dignity of all people, including migrants. Moreover, the Catholic Church in the United States has always been an immigrant Church, whose membership began with German and Irish immigrants in the 19th century and was renewed by successive waves from Eastern and Southern Europe and now the developing world, especially Latin America. The Bishops have long been involved in care and advocacy for this portion of the flock and even received grants from the US Government to help migrants and refugees of all faiths and none as they resettle in the United States, assimilating to our country and enriching it with their gifts.

This has not always been true of the labor movement. The relative scarcity of labor in the United States relative to the old world meant that American workers have long enjoyed, if not a just wage, certainly better wages and benefits than their foreign peers. The trade unions born in the late 19th century constantly contended with employers who sought to replace union workers with lower cost immigrant workers recruited from abroad, and these unions embraced the cause of immigration restriction as a strategy to prevent this. To a greater or lesser degree, the unions that make up the AFL-CIO persisted in this position through most of the twentieth century.

But a growing number of trade union activists, observing the increasing number of exploited undocumented workers, began to advocate for a different approach. They contended that an immigration reform that included a path to citizenship would empower these workers to exercise their legal rights and organize in trade unions. In a landmark 2000 vote, the unions of the AFL-CIO adopted this position officially on behalf of organized labor, placing them in alignment with the Church on this policy issue.

In the decades that followed, both labor and Church focused their advocacy on this reform. Public panels where clerics and trade unionists shared their endorsement of this policy became commonplace. And on the ground, both the Church (usually through the Catholic Campaign for Human Development) and the major labor unions supported many “workers’ centers” created to assist immigrant workers, documented or undocumented, who were exploited or defrauded of their wages by unscrupulous employers.

Both groups have been disappointed by developments of the past decade, as prospects for immigration reform have dimmed and public support for punitive policies against undocumented immigrants has increased.

Public opinion in the past few years has been inflamed by a seemingly insoluble challenge on our Southern border. America has long prided herself in providing asylum for those persecuted in their home country, but has also imposed limits on the number of “economic” migrants who seek to move to America to seek better jobs and opportunities for themselves and their families. Recently large numbers of economic migrants have presented themselves at the Southern border describing themselves as asylum applicants, overwhelming the government’s capacity to discern between the two.

While most Americans want our nation to continue offering asylum to the truly persecuted, many were frustrated by the chaotic scenes created by these conditions. Understandably so – Catholic Social Teaching supports the rights of migrants but also recognizes the right of nations to control their own borders. And large numbers of American workers, both organized and unorganized, remain unpersuaded by trade unionist defenses of immigrant workers.

With the recent presidential election, those who favor drastic and punitive action to bar and remove immigrants gained the upper hand. Both Church and labor have been affected by the new administration’s actions.

The Church has continued to remind the faithful and people of good will of the dignity of migrants, whatever their state. The new administration, however, almost immediately stripped the US Conference of Catholic Bishops of grant support for resettlement activities. USAID has canceled funding for Catholic organizations caring for refugees abroad. And supporters of the administration have begun to conduct tendentious and threatening “investigations” of Catholic charitable organizations offering food, shelter and care to US migrants without inquiring into their immigration status.

The nation’s labor unions have expressed solidarity with immigrant workers of whatever legal status and been highly critical of many of the harsh new policies. Their position has been crystallized by the unlawful deportation of Kilmar Abrego Garcia to a notorious prison in El Salvador.

It appears that Abrego Garcia was at some point misidentified as a member of a Salvadoran criminal gang, then mistakenly – in contravention of a standing judicial order – deported along with a group of Venezuelan migrants also accused of gang membership. Why has this case been a special concern of organized labor?

Abrego Garcia was not just a random victim of mistaken identity and abuse of power. He was a member of a trade union, SMART – the Sheet Metal, Air, Rail and Transportation Union. He was an apprentice sheet metal worker. (Sheet metal workers are construction workers who perform various tasks with sheet metal, especially fabricating and installing the ductwork for heating and air conditioning systems.)

As I have often noted, there are only two institutions in modern America that regularly invoke the word solidarity: the Catholic Church and the labor movement. Abrego Garcia’s case has attracted support from many segments of society, but no national organization has mobilized the way SMART has on behalf of a union brother in need. From the moment of his seizure and deportation, SMART has issued statements, appeared on media, and organized rallies bringing out the unions of the other construction trades (including my own, LIUNA, the union of construction laborers) and beyond. As SMART President Michael Coleman explained,

Kilmar, our Local 100 brother, is a resident of Maryland and a sheet metal apprentice who works full-time to support his wife and five-year-old son, who has autism and a hearing impairment. He came to the United States as a teenager 15 years ago, and it is my understanding that he was legally authorized to live and work in this country and had fully complied with his responsibilities under the law. He did not have a criminal record and is, in fact, an example of the hard work that SMART members pride themselves on. And yet, the Trump Administration still — aware of his protected status — deported him to El Salvador, leaving his wife to discover that information from photographs in a news release.

In his pursuit of the life promised by the American dream, Brother Kilmar was literally helping to build this great country. What did he get in return? Arrest and deportation to a nation whose prisons face outcry from human rights organizations. SMART condemns his treatment in the strongest possible terms, and we demand his rightful return.

The Catholic Labor Network will continue to report on the developing story of Church and labor responses to immigration policy as events warrant.

Clayton Sinyai, CLN Labor Advisor

Update – June 14, 2025

During the first week of June, the administration performed an abrupt about-face and brought Abrego Garcia back to the United States, immediately charging him with participation in human trafficking. The Catholic Labor Network is pleased that he is no longer languishing beyond the reach of law in a notorious prison in El Salvador. Abrego Garcia has plead not guilty to the charges. If the administration in fact has evidence that he has committed a crime they will be obliged to present it to a jury in a fair trial.

Since that time, it appears that ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) has moved beyond targeting criminals and alleged criminals for deportation and has launched massive sweeps of factories and plants suspected of employing undocumented immigrants and shape-up sites (such as outside Home Depot locations) where undocumented immigrants gather to seek employment in efforts to meet increased deportation quotas set by the White House. The change in enforcement emphasis has inspired protest rallies in Los Angeles and other cities. Many labor unions have participated in the protests. In a notable incident, David Huerta, president of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) California, was arrested during an apparent act of peaceful civil disobedience during one such protest.

 

Non-Tenured Faculty Strike at Catholic University in San Diego

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The first week of May saw operations at the University of San Diego interrupted by a two-day strike. In June 2024, non-tenured faculty at the Catholic university voted for representation by SEIU 721, but the two sides have not reached a first contract. (At colleges across the country, private and public, a growing share of the teaching load has been transferred from tenured faculty to poorly paid adjuncts and contracted instructors.) Please pray that the two sides reach agreement on a fair contract soon.

CLN Statement on the Election of Pope Leo XIV

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The Catholic Labor Network (CLN) joyfully welcomes the election of Pope Leo XIV, formerly Cardinal Robert Francis Prevost, as the 267th Bishop of Rome. As the first American-born pontiff, Pope Leo XIV brings a unique blend of pastoral experience, theological depth, and a profound commitment to social justice that resonates deeply with our mission to uphold the dignity of work and the rights of workers.

Pope Leo XIV’s extensive ministry in Peru, where he served as a missionary, parish pastor, and diocesan leader, reflects his dedication to serving marginalized communities and advocating for social equity . His leadership in the Augustinian order and his role in overseeing bishop appointments demonstrate his capacity to guide the Church with wisdom and compassion.

The choice of the name “Leo XIV” signifies a continuity with Pope Leo XIII, whose seminal encyclical Rerum Novarum laid the foundation for modern Catholic social teaching by affirming the rights of workers to organize and the importance of just labor conditions. This legacy is vital as we continue to address contemporary challenges facing workers worldwide.

Scripture reminds us, “The laborer deserves his wages” (Luke 10:7), and the Catechism of the Catholic Church teaches that “work is for man, not man for work” (CCC 2428). Pope Leo XIV’s papacy offers renewed hope that these principles will be upheld and advanced, ensuring that the Church remains a steadfast advocate for the rights and dignity of all workers.

We at the Catholic Labor Network look forward to collaborating with Pope Leo XIV in promoting the Church’s social doctrine and supporting initiatives that protect and empower workers. May his leadership inspire a global commitment to justice, solidarity, and the common good.

A Letter to President Trump concerning Federal Employees

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Dear Mr. President,

The Catholic Labor Network (CLN) is a Catholic nonprofit and private association of the faithful in the United States that unites clergy, religious, laity, and people of goodwill to advance the principles of Catholic Social Teaching on the dignity of work and the rights of workers through prayer, education, and action.

We write with deep concern regarding Executive Order 14099, Exclusions from the Federal Labor-Management Relations Program, issued on March 27, 2025. This order would significantly limit the ability of more than one million federal employees to exercise their fundamental right to collective bargaining. We respectfully urge you to rescind this executive order.

From the time of Pope Leo XIII’s Rerum Novarum in 1891, the Catholic Church has consistently affirmed the moral and human right of workers to organize and bargain collectively. This teaching is not limited to private-sector employment. The Church has long held that the dignity of workers is not dependent on whether their employer is public or private; rather, it is a reflection of their inherent human dignity.

In Laborem Exercens, Pope St. John Paul II wrote, “The important role of union organizations must be admitted: their task is to defend the existential interests of workers in all sectors.” This includes public servants who dedicate their labor to the common good—educators, health professionals, public safety officers, and countless others.

Your administration has voiced a commitment to defending the dignity of work and uplifting working families. This Executive Order, however, directly undermines that commitment and contradicts long-standing Catholic teaching on the rights of workers.

On behalf of our members and supporters—Catholics committed to justice in the workplace and the common good—we respectfully and prayerfully urge you to rescind this order and reaffirm the right of federal employees to organize and bargain collectively.

Catholic Identity Invoked to Evade Worker Justice

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Three Catholic institutions have made the news recently for their mistreatment of workers.

  1. St Clare’s Hospital in Schenectady NY doesn’t want to pay the pension benefits it owes to retired nurses.
  2. Catholic Charities of the Diocese of Superior in Wisconsin doesn’t want to pay Unemployment Insurance taxes for its workers.
  3. Marquette University does not want to bargain with a union organized by their contingent faculty.

What else do they have in common? All three are abusing their religious identity to get away with it – using their First Amendment religious freedom rights as a shield to violate the rights of workers with impunity.

The nurses and other employees at St. Clare’s were expecting a substantial pension benefit in their retirement. In most private sector jobs, your pension is safe because the federal ERISA (Employee Retirement Income Security Act) law requires employers to set aside enough money in a trust to cover future benefits. Religious institutions – including hospitals – have opted out, citing their religious freedom. It appears that the administrators at St Clare’s (and other religious hospitals) never set aside those funds and left retirees holding an empty bag. Check out Church Pensions Sidestep Oversight in the Wall Street Journal for details.

Meanwhile, if the Diocese of Superior gets its way, its Catholic Charities will no longer pay into the Wisconsin state UI system and any future workers laid off will be denied state unemployment benefits. The Diocese is saying that because of the First Amendment, they are not required to participate in Unemployment Insurance and want to opt out. Wisconsin’s Supreme Court balked on this claim but the Diocese is taking its demand to the US Supreme Court.

Finally, Marquette University is refusing to bargain with a union formed by its contingent faculty. They say that as a religious institution they are not required to honor the National Labor Relations Act and that they refuse to bargain collectively with their faculty. They are not the only Catholic college to take this stand.

The First Amendment’s religious freedom protections are a precious gift, allowing Catholics and all Americans to observe the dictates of their conscience – but no well-formed conscience is telling administrators at these institutions that they ought to deny employees their promised pensions, refrain from participating in Unemployment Insurance, or to bust unions. Invoking your religious freedom rights to evade basic requirements of worker justice is cynical and likely to scandalize the faithful. How can we ask Catholic business leaders to recognize workers’ right to organize when Catholic colleges won’t? How can we expect them to honor their promises to retirees when Church institutions don’t? How can the Church advocate for the unemployed while seeking to evade its own obligations towards them?

 

President Begins Term with Alarming Moves against Worker Rights

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Modern Catholic Social Teaching began with Pope Leo XIII’s encyclical letter Rerum Novarum reflecting on injustices against workers in the modern industrial economy and, importantly, defending their right to organize in trade unions for collective bargaining. We in the Catholic Labor Network have been deeply alarmed that President Trump has begun his term with significant moves against workers’ union rights.

In 1935, the US Congress passed the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) and President Franklin Roosevelt signed it into law. The NLRA made it unlawful for employers to fire or otherwise retaliate against workers who seek to form a union in their workplace. The NLRA created an independent five-member National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) charged with protecting workers in their exercise of that right. Presidents appoint members to serve staggered five-year terms on the NLRB subject to Senate approval. They cannot be removed except “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office.”

When the President assumed office, there were only three sitting Board members in place, due to political conflicts between the President and the Senate. In late January, the President dismissed Board member Gwynne Wilcox – not because of malfeasance but because he was dissatisfied with her decisions on the board strongly in support of workers’ rights. The action leaves the NLRB without a quorum and thus unable to address disputes.

The NLRB protects the rights of the majority of American workers who are employed in the private sector. Federal employees enjoy more limited union rights under the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978, rights protected by the Federal Labor Relations Authority (FLRA). Their unions are not empowered to negotiate wages and benefits, but they are permitted to negotiate certain terms and conditions of work. Under President Biden, some of their unions negotiated contracts allowing certain employees to work remotely. On February 3, the President’s Acting Director of the Office of Personnel Management issued a memo overriding these contracts and ordering these employees to report to work in the office.

This may seem like a minor issue, but a number of these employees have relocated under the telework arrangements in their contracts and will now have to move again in order to keep their jobs. More importantly, if the President and his subordinates are empowered to ignore union contracts whensoever they choose, the President has effectively eliminated their right to collective bargaining and union protections. And to prevent the FLRA from acting to uphold these rights the President fired its pro-worker chair.

At a time when the President’s staff have placed large numbers of employees on administrative leave without due process, and when he has empowered billionaire Tesla owner Elon Musk to identify vast swathes of federal employees for dismissal, this denial of rights to federal employees is doubly alarming. Musk has a well-established anti-labor animus. Workers at his two most successful companies, Tesla and SpaceX, have faced retaliation for exercising their right to collective action. Musk’s lawyers have responded in the courts by advancing a novel argument that the NLRB is unconstitutional (an argument also endorsed by erstwhile rival Amazon). Such a determination would overturn nearly a century of Supreme Court precedent and strip most American workers of their most important legal protections.

The president’s initial actions in office suggest a dire threat to the legal rights of American workers. The Catholic Labor Network urges its members to organize in defense of American trade unions and pray that he changes course.

Workers’ Chapel Dedicated in New York City

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In November 2024, Fr. Brian Jordan OFM – a New York City labor priest and good friend of the Catholic Labor Network – dedicated a Workers’ Chapel at St. Francis of Assisi parish in Manhattan. Attending the dedication Mass, along with assorted local political leaders and union officers, was New York City AFL-CIO President and Catholic Labor Network Board member Vincent Alvarez.

The chapel is intended to offer a place of reflection and prayer to New York workers. It was inspired by the role of Franciscan friars in the Middle Ages who frequently served as spiritual directors for the various craft guilds.

“The opening of the Workers’ Chapel at St. Francis of Assisi Church is a testament both to the dignity of Labor and the shared humanity of all working people,” said Alvarez. “As a centrally-located space open to all faiths and backgrounds, the Chapel serves as a sanctuary for reflection, unity, and prayer, embodying the spirit of solidarity that is at the heart of the Labor Movement.”

“The introduction of the Workers’ Chapel at St. Francis of Assisi Church is a welcome addition to the union construction and larger labor community,” said Gary LaBarbera, President of the Building and Construction Trades Council of Greater New York. “It is now an accessible and inclusive haven of prayer, worship, and solitude for our members and other workers throughout the city, offering them the opportunity to take a step back from their busy lives to reconnect with their collective and individual spirituality and values.”